A special blog written by Morayo Omogbenigun, BSWN Intern.
© Steve Gonzales, Houston Chronicle / Staff photographer
On the 25th of May 2020, 46-year-old George Floyd was pinned down and killed by Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin after being accused of paying with a counterfeit $20 note. Floyd’s death sparked worldwide support for the #BlackLivesMatter campaign, as millions flocked to protest during the worst of the COVID-19 pandemic. The world looked towards Bristol as Edward Colston’s statue was toppled on the 7th of June 2020. Two years on, ethnic minorities around the world are still disenfranchised – many promises were made but few have been fulfilled. While Derek Chauvin was found guilty of second and third- degree murder and manslaughter in April 2021, the recent cases of Child Q in London and Antwon Forrest in Bristol reveal the lack of progress achieved in the last two years, and the many discrepancies in the current criminal justice system.
At a time where socioeconomic inequalities are increasing, the Police, Crime and Sentencing Courts Bill put forward by Priti Patel MP in March 2021 serves to hand more powers to the police and imposes up to ten-year prison sentences for damages to memorials. The police can also impose time limits on protests, set noise limits and fine individuals up to £2,500 for ‘public nuisance’. The Police, Crime and Sentencing Courts bill has been labelled “a concerted attack on the right to protest”, which is protected under the 1998 Human Rights Act. The government’s Human Rights Act reform: A Moden Bill of Rights plan to replace the HRA “signals an intent to water down human rights protections, erect additional barriers to accessing justice and equivocate on compliance with decisions of the European Court of Human Rights”. Individuals who participated in the #KilltheBill protests in Bristol have been charged with rioting, the most serious public offence, and are facing being incarcerated for up to 15 years. The #KilltheBill arrests represent the biggest use of riot charges by the Avon and Somerset police and Crown Prosecution Service since the 1980s, suggesting a return to zero-tolerance policing.
The National Police Chiefs’ Council and the College of Policing have launched a public consultation into Black people’s experiences with policing under the Police Race Action Plan. This strategy plans to educate police officers on Black history, review misconduct and disciplinary processes to reduce racial disparities, and foster a better relationship between the police and Black communities around the UK. Hopefully, this leads to an improvement in community policing but seems to be at odds with the Police, Crime and Sentencing Courts Bill which will especially disenfranchised marginalised groups protesting for their rights.